


In today’s digitally driven, snap-judgment world, virtually every major product, company or institution has a “brand,” i.e., a popular reputation by which it is known, for better or worse. The strength of a brand today determines levels of consumer support and the ability of political parties and candidates to attract voters (as in “Brand Obama” or “Brand Gingrich”). It also impacts potential for government funding, and even the ongoing quality of media coverage.
Think about this: Both the Mini Cooper and the Volkswagen Beetle are small cars.
However, while significant numbers of people who otherwise want a small car believe that driving a Mini is trendy, smart and a sign of environmental consciousness, those same people wouldn’t be caught dead driving a Beetle.
The Volkswagen Beetle’s brand, once all-powerful, is in a tailspin, and the company is now trying to re-brand the vehicle so that more men will find it an attractive option.
That example demonstrates the power of a brand, and increasingly, that challenge is also being faced by nations, cities, neighborhoods and even, racial and ethnic groups.
Over the past 20 years, or so, China has changed its brand from being a heavily populated but marginally important global player to being seen now as the world’s most important exporter and economic engine.
With that new “brand,” China has been able to create a new, more respected global reputation for itself, including the image of dominant military capacity, whether it’s actually true or not.
Over the same period, African-Americans have done an absolutely abysmal job of managing our own brand, and it’s now costing us dearly.
When most people in this country think about the mass African-American population, they automatically conjure up images that include “unemployable,” “uneducated,” “incarcerated,” “irresponsible,” “lack of ambition” and “economically marginal.”
Accurate description or not, that “brand,” perpetuated and enhanced by largely negative media coverage and our own lack of involvement in racial reputation management, has stamped Black folks as a less-valued commodity in the United States. As such, even when we want jobs, people have an excuse for not offering them to us; when we seek political support, candidates, more and more, don’t want to be seen with us publicly.
The “Black American brand” more and more each day, therefore, is creating the new Black American reality.
Even worse, there seems to be no group and precious few individuals today serving as unabashed advocates for building the “Black American brand.”
At one time, while we were still largely poor, we were nevertheless seen as people who could be successfully transitioned into the economy, who wanted to get ahead, and who were capable of making a valuable contribution.
That was during a period when the “Black American brand” was being attentively managed by civil rights leaders, church pastors, elected officials, community activists and business leaders. Today our reputation is being largely unmanaged, and is generally seen as undesirable and fading fast.
Sadly, much like cars, soft drinks, computers, athletic shoes and cell phones, a group or institution with unfavorable brand characteristics will not only be ignored by the marketplace, they can also be so marginalized as to become completely irrelevant. Sometimes in extreme cases, they can even cease to exist entirely.
In that regard, a recent news story has been circulating about Ron Paul's newsletters and what he thought of blacks. In the midst of the District of Columbia’s crack cocaine epidemic of the
’80s, Paul wrote that “I think we can assume that 95 percent of the
black men in that city are semi-criminal or entirely criminal.” While I've done further research of Paul and don't believe that he is racist; what worries me is the idea that we can be “branded” like that and some others assume that there’s truth to it.
I may come off a bit too harsh when relating to my own, but I am passionate about our image — I am a graphic designer and image is everything. Furthermore, I am concerned about what type of country we are about to leave behind for our children. I've got an incredibly gifted 10 y/o son who will do well for himself because I didn’t allow him to get trapped into the gangsta (or ghetto, or whatever it’s called now-a-days) lifestyle. Wanting to remain true to “our culture”, one day while riding around I turned to 97.9 The Box. Whhooooaaaa!!! That lasted all but about half of one song. Back to Mix 96.5! At 10, if you want your kid to know the difference of R&B, rap & pop music, you have to almost introduce him to ignorance, eroticism and slothfulness. I know we’re supposed to be different and think the slow walking w/the pants nearly on the ground is cool, but we are continuing to deeply damage our brand.
Don’t get it twisted, I love being black. I’m a darkie and I love being a dark brother. And I love it when speaking to someone of a different color, there is no variance of English being spoken between us. I love it when my son — who wears ethnic hair twists and has his own GQ swag — represents among the smartest in his school; has been upgraded a grade level; is constantly selected for the spelling bee finals; and does it all among other gifted students in his classroom at a predominantly white school district. Now that’s cool! That’s the re-branding I believe we must do. Approximately 150 years ago, whites were convinced that blacks could not learn beyond a 7th grade level, and that we could never understand English completely so they dumbed-down everything for us by spelling words by the sounds they make. Ever read Facebook or YouTube? It’s hard to believe that 150 years later we have come full circle.
IT’S TIME TO RE-BRAND, PEOPLE!


It’s still unlikely, but Herman Cain’s quick rise to the top of the GOP presidential candidate heap makes Cain versus Obama now at least thinkable.
Cain certainly talks like he believes he can snatch the nomination from the presumptive GOP presidential frontrunner Mitch Romney. With the merciful sink to political non-entity and media darling status of Palin and Michelle Bachman, he’s got a media starved for a new flavor of the month infatuated with him and headlining any and every utterance by him. He’s got the Tea Party and conservative evangelical zealots cheering him on and pumping up his numbers in straw polls. He’ll probably fatten his coffers with some deeper pocket conservative dollars.
If Cain can convince voters that his candidacy is not simply hype and bombast to sell his book and get a gig on Fox News, and that his tax plan won’t soak the middle class and poor at the expense of the rich, his GOP presidential candidacy would be intriguing on several counts. GOP leaders would crow that it proves savage and relentless pounding of the GOP as a party of bigots is a falsehood. It would give voters the sharpest contrast in living political memory of leadership style and political philosophy between two presidential candidates. One is a flamboyant, outspoken, ultra-conservative, Christian fundamentalist and unshakably pro-big business, cut government spending advocate. The other is a cerebral, moderate, pro labor, and expansive government advocate.
The ultimate intrigue is that both are black. A Cain-Obama match up would be a textbook showdown on which direction Americans want government to go in the coming years. The debates between the two over this question would be fierce and would tightly draw the economic and ideological battle lines.
A Cain presidential candidacy would also pose two other challenges. It would test whether, as he fondly boasts, he could pry a significant number of blacks away from Obama and into backing him instead. Cain told Fox News that in a hypothetical general election match-up against Obama he'd secure at least one-third of the black vote.He didn’t stop there. He told an ABC interviewer that blacks won’t vote for him because of his color but because of his ideas. If Cain is right and if he can dent by even a few percentage points the solid wall of support Obama gets from black voters that proved pivotal in his breakthrough election wins in Ohio, Florida, North Carolina, and Pennsylvania, then it would indeed be a monumental feat for Cain and the GOP. Then presuming that his support among the GOP base holds up, the election could be a real horse race.
But Cain saying that a number of blacks will vote for him doesn’t make it so. Polls show that despite some grumblings, talk of disappointment, and even a concerted campaign by some left-leaning blacks to hector Obama, African-Americans still overwhelmingly approve his performance. And even those who raise some eyebrows that he’s not doing enough or could do more on black unemployment and poverty still stoutly defend him and blame GOP racists and obstructionists for sabotaging every initiative he puts forth and for creating massive political misery for his administration. They will not break ranks with him in 2012.
Cain will have to get massive doses of Super Pac and GOP National Committee fund raising dollars to stay close to Obama. But he will also have to get a clear majority of white votes. Polls show that he’s within striking distance. But those are early season polls, based more on name identification, fad, and frustration, than any indication of deep voter sentiment.
At first glance, Cain seems to show that GOP conservatives, the Tea Party flock, and maybe even conservative independents will punch the Cain ticket. They’ve been the biggest reason for his poll surge to the top. But if he’s there in November will they really be there for him?
A Yale study in 2006 found that a significant number of white Republicans and white independents did not support a black GOP candidate in past congressional races. But in the November 2010 mid-term elections Black GOP congressional candidates Allen West in Florida and Tim Scott in South Carolina got a majority of white votes and easily beat their Democratic opponents. But West and Scott won in lockdown GOP districts, and against weak, underfunded Democratic opponents. Their wins were regional wins with absolutely no national implications.
Cain and Obama would be playing for the highest political stakes in the race for the White House. This will take money, top endorsements, experience, a solid organization and most importantly the ability to instill confidence in a majority of voters that the winner can handle the towering problem of governance. An ideologically driven, ordained Baptist minister and businessman with no political office experience running against a sitting president defies all political odds. But for now anyway, an Obama-Cain match-up is not an unthinkable possibility.